World Congress for Middle Eastern Studies

Barcelona, July 19th - 24th 2010

· NOT_DEFINED date: TUE 20, 2.30-4.30 pm

· NOT_DEFINED institution: Granada University (Spain)

· NOT_DEFINED organizer: Ana Belén Soage

· NOT_DEFINED sponsor: European Research Council. Advanced Research Grant, KOHEPOCU F03049 / Instituto de Lenguas y Culturas del Mediterráneo y de Oriente Próximo (ILC) - CSIC / Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas / Ministerio de Ciencia e Innovación

· NOT_DEFINED language: English/Français

· NOT_DEFINED description: It has recently been shown that Averroes had to change a previous version of his al-Kashf, an manahij al-adilla - in which he departed from Ibn Tumart's doctrine - under the pressure of the Almohad purists who wanted to preserve their founder's views on anthropomorphism. Censorship and pressure to conform in this case resulted in the alteration of a text and probably influenced Averroes’ 'disgrace' and banishment. In other cases it led to more painful consequences. In this panel other instances of altered texts as result of censorship or auto-censhorship will be studied with the aim of exploring how religious and political control in the writing domain was carried out in a variety of contexts.
The Panels dealing with the pre-modern period adress some of the topics dealt with in the research project "Knowledge, heresy and political culture in the Islamic West (8th-15th centuries)", ARG KOHEPOCU (European Research Council) Directed by Maribel Fierro (2009-2013).
It has recently been shown that Averroes had to change a previous version of his al-Kashf, an manahij al-adilla - in which he departed from Ibn Tumart's doctrine - under the pressure of the Almohad purists who wanted to preserve their founder's views on anthropomorphism. Censorship and pressure to conform in this case resulted in the alteration of a text and probably influenced Averroes’ 'disgrace' and banishment. In other cases it led to more painful consequences. In this panel other instances of altered texts as result of censorship or auto-censhorship will be studied with the aim of exploring how religious and political control in the writing domain was carried out in a variety of contexts.
The Panels dealing with the pre-modern period adress some of the topics dealt with in the research project "Knowledge, heresy and political culture in the Islamic West (8th-15th centuries)", ARG KOHEPOCU (European Research Council) Directed by Maribel Fierro (2009-2013).

Chair: Ana Belén Soage (PhD. Student, Universidad de Granada, Spain)

Paper presenter: Dr. Emad Al-Jawahiri (Qadisiya University, Iraq), “A new study and translation of al-Khayyam's poetry under censorship in Iraq”
In 1985, the poet and writer Ismael Jawad al-Jawahiri had completed a new translation of Omar al-Khayyam’s poetry, from the Persian language to Arabic with a comprehensive study of 88 pages on al-Khayyam's life, times and thought, but the work was forbidden by the governmental censorship. Under despair and pressure, the translator died in 1986. The censorship’ responsibles accused the translator to present an atheist thought, focusing particularly on drinking and shedding doubt on God’s existence. In 1992, there was another attempt for publishing the work on the part of Ismael's son, but his effort failed again for the same causes. Because of this prohibition, the new translation remained on the shelf until 2006. When the 1st edition of the book was issued, three years after the fall of Saddam's regime, translation of al-Khayyam’s poetry had been forbidden for 20 years accompanied by security following for the prototype and for the copies of it . Those statements put us in front of the resistive role for governmental censorship in Iraq which was one of radical states in Arab world ! , and the hard suffering of poets and writers to issue and publish their works.


Paper presenter: Jorge Fuentelsaz (Agencia EFE), "Working out the red lines: Self-censorship in the Muslim Brothers’ discourse"
The pattern of the relationship between the Mubarak regime and the Muslim Brothers, characterized by periods of tolerance followed by periods of repression, is clearly reflected in the discourse of the Islamist group founded in Egypt in 1928. In this tense relationship, the Brothers explore the regime's red lines ‘as manifested in its attitude and speech ‘in their search for recognition and a greater political, economical and social weight. Thus, greater political tolerance is always accompanied by a more open, even confrontational speech on the part of the Brothers, whereas periods of repression are characterized by restraint to avoid provoking the regime. And in any case, the Ikhwan never go beyond certain red lines, such as personal criticism of the president. Our objective is to analyze self-censorship in the most recent discourse of the Muslim Brotherhood on issues such as the Egyptian political awakening of 2005, political and legal reform, religious minorities, the claims of Egyptian judges and the relationship between Egypt and the United States. In addition we will look at how, in this struggle for legitimacy, the regime distorts and exaggerates the Brothers’ already ultra-conservative discourse regarding social and cultural issues, such as the role of women, censorship, minorities and education, and, secondly, how the regime also ignores or even disqualifies the Brothers’ initiatives to introduce democratic reforms.

Paper presenter: Matthew Feldman (Northampton University), "Extremism, organisational self-censorship and successful fifth-column discourse: the cases of Hamas in the Gaza Strip and the BNP in England"
This paper analyses a phenomenon common to extremist movements contesting recent elections, whether from left, right or theocratic points on the political spectrum; namely, an opportunistic self-censorship of ideological aims in order to ape liberal democracy. By expanding upon Roger Eatwell¹s studied distinction within far-right parties ¬ electorally divided between the need for ‘esoteric¹, or internal, language aimed at activists and initiates, and ‘exoteric¹, external language adopted for appealing to a mass audiences ¬ the suture between extremist parties and populist rhetoric will be here pulled apart and discussed as a form of political self-censorship. Taking two contemporary case studies, Hamas¹ January 2006 election in the Gaza Strip and the BNP¹s election of 2 MEPs in the June 2009 European elections, this presentation will consider the way in which both movements publicly portrayed themselves as moderates through the adoption of ‘fifth column discourse¹, specifically intended for mass appeal. For this strategy to be successful, the extremist rhetoric is carefully veiled, euphemised, and ultimately replaced the language of democracy. In the case of both extremist groups, however, the yawning chasm between explicit ideological views and electoral platforms strongly suggests a tactical censorship, one seeking the financial and political benefits brought about by inter/national representation.

Paper presenter: Yasmin Amin (American University in Cairo), "Censorship / Freedom of Expression in Islam"
Danish cartoons, novels such as Satanic Verses, a teddy bear named Muhammad and movie clips are among the things which have lately ‘offended’ Muslims worldwide, causing riots, violent protests, demonstrations, rage, deliberate destruction, murder and vandalism in different countries. As a result, book publications have been called off, theater plays have been cancelled and advertisements were removed in some European countries to avoid injuring the sensibilities of the Muslim minorities. Novels, cartoons, plays and movies are valued and respected mediums of freedom of expression. However, the reactions by the angered Muslim crowds popularly dubbed ‘rage boys’ make it seem that Islam is inherently opposed to freedom of expression, but is it’What is the Islamic objective of freedom of expression’ It is mainly the discovery, maintenance and justification of truth and the protection of human dignity and public interest (masalih - maqasid). The qur’anic principle of ‘hisbah’ [3:104, 3:110, 22:41], namely enjoining good and forbidding evil, is the base for freedom of expression in Islam, as it allows for constructive criticism, advice and consultation. However, the schools of jurisprudence have later regulated freedom of speech, by two categories, moral and legal. The moral category limits backbiting, acrimonious talk and exposing weaknesses of others to preserve human dignity. The legal restrictions apply to slander, false accusation, libel, insult, sedition and extend to blasphemy. Certain concepts such as sedition, heresy and blasphemy have been loosely defined and redefined. Schools of jurisprudence regulated these concepts based on some of the hudud (limits) set by the Qur’an, such as slander [49:11]. They have also legally controlled freedom of speech with regard to certain topics (essence of God, cursing, sedition, blasphemy), which was due to certain historical events. After reviewing the historical development (and giving examples), some conclusions will be presented.

Paper presenter: Dr. Emad Al-Jawahiri (Qadisiya University, Iraq), “A new study and translation of al-Khayyam's poetry under censorship in Iraq”
In 1985, the poet and writer Ismael Jawad al-Jawahiri had completed a new translation of Omar al-Khayyam’s poetry, from the Persian language to Arabic with a comprehensive study of 88 pages on al-Khayyam's life, times and thought, but the work was forbidden by the governmental censorship. Under despair and pressure, the translator died in 1986. The censorship’ responsibles accused the translator to present an atheist thought, focusing particularly on drinking and shedding doubt on God’s existence. In 1992, there was another attempt for publishing the work on the part of Ismael's son, but his effort failed again for the same causes. Because of this prohibition, the new translation remained on the shelf until 2006. When the 1st edition of the book was issued, three years after the fall of Saddam's regime, translation of al-Khayyam’s poetry had been forbidden for 20 years accompanied by security following for the prototype and for the copies of it . Those statements put us in front of the resistive role for governmental censorship in Iraq which was one of radical states in Arab world ! , and the hard suffering of poets and writers to issue and publish their works.


Paper presenter: Jorge Fuentelsaz (Agencia EFE), "Working out the red lines: Self-censorship in the Muslim Brothers’ discourse"
The pattern of the relationship between the Mubarak regime and the Muslim Brothers, characterized by periods of tolerance followed by periods of repression, is clearly reflected in the discourse of the Islamist group founded in Egypt in 1928. In this tense relationship, the Brothers explore the regime's red lines ‘as manifested in its attitude and speech ‘in their search for recognition and a greater political, economical and social weight. Thus, greater political tolerance is always accompanied by a more open, even confrontational speech on the part of the Brothers, whereas periods of repression are characterized by restraint to avoid provoking the regime. And in any case, the Ikhwan never go beyond certain red lines, such as personal criticism of the president. Our objective is to analyze self-censorship in the most recent discourse of the Muslim Brotherhood on issues such as the Egyptian political awakening of 2005, political and legal reform, religious minorities, the claims of Egyptian judges and the relationship between Egypt and the United States. In addition we will look at how, in this struggle for legitimacy, the regime distorts and exaggerates the Brothers’ already ultra-conservative discourse regarding social and cultural issues, such as the role of women, censorship, minorities and education, and, secondly, how the regime also ignores or even disqualifies the Brothers’ initiatives to introduce democratic reforms.


Paper presenter: Matthew Feldman (Northampton University), "Extremism, organisational self-censorship and successful fifth-column discourse: the cases of Hamas in the Gaza Strip and the BNP in England"
This paper analyses a phenomenon common to extremist movements contesting recent elections, whether from left, right or theocratic points on the political spectrum; namely, an opportunistic self-censorship of ideological aims in order to ape liberal democracy. By expanding upon Roger Eatwell¹s studied distinction within far-right parties ¬ electorally divided between the need for ‘esoteric¹, or internal, language aimed at activists and initiates, and ‘exoteric¹, external language adopted for appealing to a mass audiences ¬ the suture between extremist parties and populist rhetoric will be here pulled apart and discussed as a form of political self-censorship. Taking two contemporary case studies, Hamas¹ January 2006 election in the Gaza Strip and the BNP¹s election of 2 MEPs in the June 2009 European elections, this presentation will consider the way in which both movements publicly portrayed themselves as moderates through the adoption of ‘fifth column discourse¹, specifically intended for mass appeal. For this strategy to be successful, the extremist rhetoric is carefully veiled, euphemised, and ultimately replaced the language of democracy. In the case of both extremist groups, however, the yawning chasm between explicit ideological views and electoral platforms strongly suggests a tactical censorship, one seeking the financial and political benefits brought about by inter/national representation.

Paper presenter: Yasmin Amin (American University in Cairo), "Censorship / Freedom of Expression in Islam"
Danish cartoons, novels such as Satanic Verses, a teddy bear named Muhammad and movie clips are among the things which have lately ‘offended’ Muslims worldwide, causing riots, violent protests, demonstrations, rage, deliberate destruction, murder and vandalism in different countries. As a result, book publications have been called off, theater plays have been cancelled and advertisements were removed in some European countries to avoid injuring the sensibilities of the Muslim minorities. Novels, cartoons, plays and movies are valued and respected mediums of freedom of expression. However, the reactions by the angered Muslim crowds popularly dubbed ‘rage boys’ make it seem that Islam is inherently opposed to freedom of expression, but is it’What is the Islamic objective of freedom of expression’ It is mainly the discovery, maintenance and justification of truth and the protection of human dignity and public interest (masalih - maqasid). The qur’anic principle of ‘hisbah’ [3:104, 3:110, 22:41], namely enjoining good and forbidding evil, is the base for freedom of expression in Islam, as it allows for constructive criticism, advice and consultation. However, the schools of jurisprudence have later regulated freedom of speech, by two categories, moral and legal. The moral category limits backbiting, acrimonious talk and exposing weaknesses of others to preserve human dignity. The legal restrictions apply to slander, false accusation, libel, insult, sedition and extend to blasphemy. Certain concepts such as sedition, heresy and blasphemy have been loosely defined and redefined. Schools of jurisprudence regulated these concepts based on some of the hudud (limits) set by the Qur’an, such as slander [49:11]. They have also legally controlled freedom of speech with regard to certain topics (essence of God, cursing, sedition, blasphemy), which was due to certain historical events. After reviewing the historical development (and giving examples), some conclusions will be presented.